Quarterly Journals of Urban and Regional Development Planning

Abstract 1. Introduction Urban governance scholarship increasingly treats transparency as a cornerstone of legitimate, accountable local government, yet its relationship with power has rarely been examined systematically. Policy discourse often frames transparency as a neutral technical instrument for enhancing public trust and administrative accountability. This study argues that such framing overlooks how the design, institutionalization, and implementation of transparency mechanisms are embedded in the power relations among the diverse actors populating urban governance—the state, local institutions, the private sector, civil society, and elites. Governance, understood as a process through which state and non-state actors implement policies within, and are shaped by, formal and informal rules of power, situates transparency within contested boundaries between disclosure and concealment rather than in a vacuum. Given persistent ambiguity about the real effectiveness of transparency initiatives in producing accountability, reducing corruption, and improving services, and the absence of a systematic account of how power imbalances distort participatory transparency efforts, this study asks the following questions: Research Questions 1. How does formal power shape the design, institutionalization, and implementation of transparency mechanisms in urban governance? 2. What role does informal power play in strengthening or weakening these mechanisms? 2. Literature Review Transparency requires legal legitimacy and social acceptance, both constituted within power relations; classical accounts frame it as a check on power, while recent work shows it can itself be absorbed into power relations (Flyverbom, 2015; Wood & Aronczyk, 2020). Power is defined as “the production, in and through social relations, of effects that shape actors’ capacities to determine their circumstances and fate” (Barnett & Duvall, 2005, p. 4), spanning both agency-centered “power over” (Lukes, 2005) and diffuse, Foucauldian “power to” (Foucault, 2003; Flyverbom et al., 2015b). 2.1. Formal and Informal Power in Urban Governance Formal power derives legitimacy from law and bureaucratic institutions (Gordon et al., 2009), while informal power rests on social networks and interpersonal ties that often parallel formal structures (Ud Din Ahmed et al., 2020). Classic studies (Hunter, 1953; Dahl, 1961; Flyvbjerg, 2002) show how elite and informal relations shape urban outcomes despite formal rules, situating transparency at the intersection of both forms of power (Ayres, 2020). 2.2. The Concept of Transparency Transparency, rooted in the ideal of open governance, is widely framed as an antidote to illegitimate concealment (Henriques, 2007; Oliver, 2004) and a power resource in public-sphere interactions (Meijer, 2013), yet it is never fully neutral (Valentinov et al., 2019) and requires contextual, “sociological” analysis (Pozen, 2020). Existing systematic reviews (Buijze, 2013; Cucciniello et al., 2017) have not examined how formal and informal power jointly shape transparency in urban governance, the gap this study addresses. 3. Methodology The study employed a systematic review complemented by a qualitative meta-analysis, constructing an evidence-based, cross-contextual picture rather than relying on isolated case studies. Literature was retrieved from Scopus on 3 November 2025 using a Boolean combination of three keyword clusters (transparency, power, and urban governance) with no geographic restriction, limited to English-language research or review articles in the social sciences published between 2005 and 2025. Study selection followed the PRISMA protocol: an initial pool of 8,909 records was reduced to 3,416 after eligibility screening, then to 53 following title, abstract, and keyword review, and finally to 36 studies retained for meta-analysis after removing duplicates and irrelevant studies. VOSviewer was applied to the broader corpus of 3,416 records to map keyword co-occurrence, publication trends, and geographic distribution, offering contextual background rather than testing the power–transparency relationship directly. The 36 selected studies were then re-examined through open, axial, and selective coding to identify categories describing how power shapes transparency. 4. Results Bibliometric analysis showed accelerating publication growth since the mid-2010s, particularly after 2017, alongside a discursive shift from treating transparency as a technical anti-corruption tool toward analyzing it as a field of power. Research remained concentrated in Europe (43%), Asia (22%), and North America (20%), led by the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, and China, while South America (2%) and Africa (7%) remained marginal—reflecting a knowledge–power relationship in which the dominant discourse and metrics of transparency were formulated primarily from developed-country experience. Qualitative meta-analysis of the 36 studies identified three pathways through which formal power shaped transparency: resistance and concealment (39%), including classifying information, using technical language, or shifting decisions to closed meetings; control and surveillance (33.3%), whereby transparency monitored citizens rather than empowering them; and reproduction and consolidation of power (33.3%), where selective disclosure served incumbent interests. Informal power operated through three roles: social pressure and civic movements (25%), acting as catalysts for accountability; brokerage and informal networks (25%), which mediated information yet could also obscure decision-making; and lobbying and behind-the-scenes relations (14%), moving decisions into unobservable arenas. 5. Conclusion The success or failure of transparency initiatives depends on more than the existence of formal rules. Policymakers should distinguish procedural transparency (access to information about processes) from substantive transparency, the genuine disclosure of decisions and underlying interests. Unilateral reforms detached from their institutional ecosystem seldom achieve their intended effects, and civil society and local media require strengthened capacity to interpret and transmit information, since transparency without independent interpreters remains undigested data. Transparency should thus be understood as a “field of contestation” among the state, local institutions, civic networks, and stakeholders competing to define visibility, accountability, and meaning, shaped simultaneously by legal structures, institutional capacity, legitimating logics, and informal networks.

Abstract 1. Introduction
Migration to cities has created economic and cultural challenges for both host and migrant communities. Migrants face job insecurity, high living costs, social isolation, and difficulties in preserving their cultural identity. In Iran, drought, legal pressures on migrants, and labor market discrimination further exacerbate these issues. Neighborhood community gardens are small green spaces collectively managed by residents, including both migrants and locals, and can reduce vulnerability while strengthening local economies. These spaces have productive and participatory functions and are often established on vacant lots or private courtyards. Research shows that such gardens contribute to resilience in two ways: economic (reducing market dependence, saving costs, generating supplementary income) and cultural (preserving traditional foods, transmitting knowledge, enhancing a sense of belonging). Most existing studies are single-site, and direct comparisons between the Global North and South remain rare. In the North, gardens tend to be formal, institutional, and education-oriented; in the South, they are more informal, survival-based, and livelihood-focused. This study compared two contrasting cases: Fahadan in Yazd (informal model) and CERES in Melbourne (formal model).
The novelty of this research lay in three aspects: first, it presented the first comparative study between Iran and Australia on community gardens and migrant resilience; second, it integrated economic and cultural dimensions within a single analytical framework; and third, it offered a locally tailored policy model for application in Iran’s historic and migrant-receptive neighborhoods.

Research Question
What roles and context-specific mechanisms did neighborhood community gardens play in enhancing the cultural and economic resilience of native and migrant communities in two distinct contexts: Fahadan in Yazd (informal) and CERES in Melbourne (formal-institutional)?

2. Literature Review
Resilience is defined as the capacity of social-ecological systems to withstand disturbances and adapt. In migration studies, it encompasses two key dimensions: economic resilience (reducing livelihood vulnerability, diversifying income sources, saving) and cultural resilience (preserving identity, transmitting knowledge, strengthening place attachment). Social capital, particularly bonding and bridging capital, links these two dimensions. Theories of participation and spatial justice emphasize equal access to urban resources such as land and water for migrant groups. In developed countries, formal gardens focus on sustainability education and mental health; in the Global South, they are mostly survival-oriented and adaptive. In Iran, while the role of traditional gardens in historic contexts has been emphasized, urban planning has largely overlooked community gardens as a community-centered strategy.

3. Methodology
This applied research adopted a mixed-methods (quantitative and qualitative) approach. Data were collected from 101 users (54 from Yazd, 47 from Melbourne) in December 2025 using an online questionnaire (five-point Likert scale for resilience dimensions, WHO-5 for psychological well-being, plus two open-ended questions). Validity was confirmed by four experts (CVI = 0.88). Reliability was calculated using Cronbach’s alpha (resilience = 0.86; WHO-5 = 0.91). Quantitative analysis included descriptive statistics, t-tests, ANOVA, Pearson correlation, and regression. Qualitative analysis followed thematic analysis in six stages, with peer debriefing yielding 87% agreement.

4. Results
Mean resilience scores were high in both sites (Yazd: 4.48; Melbourne: 4.46), though differences were observed. In Yazd, items “access to traditional food” (4.65) and “improved food security” (4.61) scored higher. In Melbourne, “participation despite barriers” (4.43), “impact of barriers” (4.36), and psychological well-being (20.8 vs. 18.2) were more prominent. Regression identified well-being as the strongest predictor of resilience. Factor analysis extracted three factors (sociocultural, economic, mental health), explaining 68.4% of the variance. Thematic analysis revealed four themes: economic survival (42% in Yazd), preservation of traditional identity (31% in Yazd), sustainability learning and intercultural integration (38% in Melbourne), and reduced isolation (29% in both).

5. Discussion
Community gardens enhanced resilience in both contexts, but mechanisms were context-dependent. In Yazd, the survival-based, adaptive function operated through food provision, cost reduction, and reproduction of local knowledge (bonding capital). In Melbourne, the formal structure transformed gardens into spaces for organized learning, intercultural exchange, and psychological well-being (bridging capital). Differences in well-being and participation indicated that institutional support and removal of legal-financial barriers directly affected resilience quality. The predominance of internal migration in Yazd versus international migration in Melbourne suggested that policies should be differentiated according to migration patterns. Results aligned with the study’s multilevel model emphasizing feedback loops across macro, meso, and micro levels.

6. Conclusion
Community gardens were effective yet context-sensitive tools for strengthening resilience in local and migrant communities. For policymaking in Iran, three key implications emerged: (1) removing participation barriers through urban agriculture facilitation offices, (2) focusing on psychological well-being through regular group activities, and (3) differentiating policies based on migration patterns (e.g., in cities with internal migration, strengthening bonding capital and indigenous knowledge). Future longitudinal and comparative studies with other Global South countries would further validate and refine this model.

Acknowledgments
This article is derived from a postdoctoral project at Imam Khomeini International University (Contract No. 270599/1/D). The authors sincerely thank all participants who completed the questionnaires.

Conflicts of Interest
The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

Abstract Railways, as one of the main urban infrastructures, have played a significant role in transforming urban transportation systems. Despite their economic, environmental, and safety advantages, railway corridors in some cities have caused spatial fragmentation and physical separation within urban fabrics. The passage of railway lines through built-up areas has led to declining land values, the emergence of unsafe spaces, reduced spatial accessibility, and environmental problems. District 16 of Tehran, which hosts the Tehran–Mashhad railway corridor, represents a clear example of these challenges. Accordingly, the main research question of this study is to identify the spatial conflicts arising from the adjacency of railway corridors and urban fabrics and to explain an appropriate approach for their coexistence. The study adopts a qualitative research approach using a case study method. Data were collected through documentary and library studies, field surveys, and interviews with relevant actors. Reviewing laws and regulations, examining international experiences, and identifying challenges within the study area guided the research framework toward a city–rail coexistence approach. The findings indicate that responses to city–rail adjacency range from radical and passive approaches, such as relocating or burying railway lines, to more realistic approaches emphasizing coexistence and positive interaction. The city–rail coexistence approach, by moderating functional conflicts of railway corridors within urban fabrics, facilitates spatial integration between the city and the rail system. Finally, key requirements for organizing and reducing adjacency-related problems in the study area are presented.

Abstract In an era where urban development increasingly embraces human-centric approaches, the regeneration of public spaces has assumed a pivotal role in enhancing the quality of urban life. This study aims to assess the socio-cultural impacts of the Path of "Sarzendegi" project in District 2 of Tehran from the users' perspective. The theoretical framework integrates concepts from social capital and sense of place theories. Employing a mixed-methods approach, the research utilized semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and a researcher-designed questionnaire (N=200). Findings indicate the project's success in fostering a distinct identity (4.25), dynamism and vitality (4.19), spatial legibility (4.08), and strengthening intergenerational interactions (4.00). Furthermore, a sense of place attachment (4.08) and collective memory (3.79) were moderately enhanced. However, a significant perceptual gap exists among stakeholder groups concerning nighttime safety and the equitable distribution of amenities (3.25). Qualitative analysis corroborates the emergence of neighborly interactions and improved nighttime safety yet simultaneously reveals a sense of alienation among long-term residents. This experience offers a potential operational model for participatory socio-cultural impact assessments in future Iranian urban regeneration projects.

Abstract Rapid urban growth and persistent dilapidated fabric in seismically active cities make joint assessment of risk and spatial resilience increasingly urgent. This study analyzes and zonate the spatial resilience of Kerman city, Iran, against earthquakes through an integrated framework combining seismic vulnerability, population exposure, spatial risk, and emergency shelter capacity. The study is applied in purpose and employs spatial multi-criteria analysis within a GIS environment, supported by fuzzy analytic hierarchy process weighting. Results show that approximately 49% of the city's population (257,780 people) resides in zones of high to complete seismic vulnerability, with the highest risk concentrated in the central core and eastern and southeastern districts. FAHP weighting indicates that spatial risk (weight = 0.62) contributes more strongly to resilience than shelter capacity (weight = 0.38). Based on the proposed Spatial Resilience Index, about 31% of the city's area falls into very-low and low resilience classes, while 46% falls into high and very-high classes. The estimated gap between shelter capacity and potential demand is approximately 41,204 people; the SRI map reveals a distinct center–periphery pattern, with the historic core—marked by physical deterioration, high population density, and limited response capacity—exhibiting the lowest resilience. By integrating risk and response capacity into a single measure and subjecting it to systematic sensitivity analysis, the proposed index addresses conceptual, methodological, and analytical gaps in the literature, offering a decision-support tool for prioritizing risk-reduction interventions, urban regeneration, and disaster-management resource allocation in historic, earthquake-prone cities

Abstract Urban happiness is one of the key indicators of quality of life. The present study aims to comparative analyze the impact of urban design components on the happiness of residents in two heterogeneous neighborhoods of Qom; Bajak II (gradually formed texture) and Pardisan (planned texture). The research method is a survey-analytical type and data were collected through a researcher-made questionnaire with a sample size of 400 people in each neighborhood and data analysis was performed using Spearman correlation test, exploratory factor analysis and multivariate regression in SPSS software. The results showed that the pattern of the impact of the components on happiness in the two neighborhoods is significantly different. In Bajak II, the regression results assigned the highest weight to environmental perception and aesthetics. Factor analysis also showed that the residents of this texture perceive the components in an integrated mental structure (6 factors) with a focus on social capital and physical function. In Pardisan, the highest explanatory weight was assigned to the components of green space quality and walkability. Factor analysis of this context revealed a disparate mental structure (10 factors) centered on security and compensation for basic physical needs. These differences are due to the fact that residents of this neighborhood seek to compensate for physical gaps, while in Bajak, the priority is to maintain visual advantages and improve the quality of existing environments. The final conclusion confirms that urban design policies should be targeted based on the neighborhood need pattern.